To Gouverneur Morris.
New York, 13 October, 1789.
Dear Sir, In my first moments of leisure I acknowledge the receipt of your several favors.
To thank you for the interesting communications contained in those letters, and for the pains you have taken to procure me a watch, is all, or nearly all, I shall attempt in this letter; for I could only repeat things, were I to set about it, which I have reason to believe have been regularly communicated to you in detail, at the periods which gave birth to them. It may not, however, be unpleasing to you to hear in one word, that the national government is organized, and, as far as my information goes, to the satisfaction of all parties; that opposition to it is either no more, or hides its head ; that it is hoped and expected it will take strong root; and that the non-acceding States will very soon become members of the Union. No doubt is entertained of North Carolina; nor would there be any of Rhode Island, had not the majority of those people bid adieu, long since, to every principle of honor, common sense, and honesty. A material change however has taken place, it is said, at the late election of representatives, and confident assurances are given, from that circumstance, of better dispositions in their legislature at its next session, now about to be held.
The revolution, which has been effected in France is of so wonderful a nature, that the mind can hardly realize the fact. If it ends as our last accounts, to the first of August, predict, that nation will be the most powerful and happy in Europe; but I fear, though it has gone triumphantly through the first paroxysm, it is not the last it has to encounter before matters are finally settled. In a word, the revolution is of too great a magnitude to be effected in so short a space, and with the loss of so little blood. The mortification of the king, the intrigues of the queen, and the discontent of the princes and noblesse, will foment divisions, if possible, in the National Assembly; and they will unquestionably avail themselves of every faux pas in the formation of the constitution, if they do not give a more open, active opposition. In addition to these, the licentiousness of the people on one hand, and sanguinary punishments on the other, will alarm the best disposed friends to the measure, and contribute not a little to the overthrow of their object. Great temperance, firmness, and foresight are necessary in the movements of that body. To forbear running from one extreme to another is no easy matter; and, should this be the case, rocks and shelves, not visible at present, may wreck the vessel, and give a higher toned despotism than the one which existed before. I am, dear Sir, &,c.
Jared Sparks (ed.), Writings of George Washington, vol. 10, (Boston: Russell, Shattuck and Williams and Hillard, Gray and Co., 1836), pg. 39-40.
LETTER FROM THE GOVERNOR OF RHODE ISLAND, GIVING REASONS WHY THAT STATE DID NOT ACCEDE TO THE UNION.
State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations. In General Assembly, September Session, 1789.
To the President, the Senate, and the House of Representatives of the eleven United States of America in Congress assembled.
The critical situation, in which the people of this State are placed, engages us to make these assurances on their behalf, of their attachment and friendship to their sister States, and of their disposition to cultivate mutual harmony and friendly intercourse. They know themselves to be a handful comparatively viewed; and, although they now stand as it were alone, they have not separated themselves or departed from the principles of that confederation, which was formed by the sister States in their struggle for freedom, and in the hour of danger. They seek by this memorial to call to your remembrance the hazards which we have run, the hardships we have endured; the treasure we have spent, and the blood we have lost together in one common cause, and especially the object we had in view, the preservation of our liberty, wherein, ability considered, they may truly say they were equal in exertions to the foremost; the effects whereof, in great embarrassments, and other distresses consequent thereon we have since experienced with severity, which common sufferings and common danger we hope and trust yet form a bond of union and friendship not easily broken.
Our not having acceded to or adopted the new system of government, formed and adopted by most of our sister States, we doubt not has given uneasiness to them. That we have not seen our way clear to do it, consistently with our ideas of the principles upon which we all embarked together, has also given pain to us. We have not doubted but we might thereby avoid present difficulties, but we have apprehended future mischief.
The people of this State, from its first settlement, have been accustomed and strongly attached to a democratical form of government. They have viewed in the new constitution an approach, though perhaps but small, towards that form of government with which [start of pg. 488] we have lately dissolved our connexion, at so much hazard and expense of life and treasure. They have seen with pleasure the administration thereof, from the most important trust downwards, committed to those, who have highly merited, and in whom the people of the United States place, unbounded confidence. Yet even in this circumstance, in itself so fortunate, they have apprehended danger by way of precedent. Can it be thought strange, then, that with these impressions they should wait to see the proposed system organized and in operation; to see what further checks and securities would be agreed to and established by way of amendments, before they could adopt it as a constitution of government for themselves and posterity?
These amendments we believe have already afforded some relief and satisfaction to the minds of the people of this State. And we earnestly look for the time, when they may with clearness and safety be again united with their sister States, under a constitution and form of government so well poised, as neither to need alteration, nor be liable thereto by a majority only of nine States out of thirteen, a circumstance which may possibly take place against the sense of a majority of the people of the United States.
We are sensible of the extremes to which democratical government is sometimes liable, something of which we have lately experienced; but we esteem them temporary and partial evils, compared with the loss of liberty and the rights of a free people. Neither do we apprehend they will be marked with severity by our sister States, when it is considered, that during the late troubles the whole United States, notwithstanding their joint wisdom and efforts, fell into the like misfortune; that, from our extraordinary exertions, this State was left in a situation nearly as embarrassing as that during the war; that, in the measures which were adopted, government unfortunately had not that aid and support from the moneyed interest, which our sister States of New York and the Carolinas experienced under similar circumstances; and especially when it is considered, that, upon some abatement of that fermentation in the minds of the people, which is so common to the collision of sentiments and of parties, a disposition appears to provide a remedy for the difficulties we have labored under on that account.
We are induced to hope, that we shall not be altogether considered as foreigners, having no particular affinity or connexion with the United States; but that trade and commerce, upon which the prosperity of this State much depends, will be preserved as [start of pg. 489] free and open between this and the United States, as our different situations at present can possibly admit; earnestly desiring and proposing to adopt such commercial regulations on our part, as shall not tend to defeat the collection of the revenue of the United States, but rather to act in conformity to, or cooperate therewith, and desiring also to give the strongest assurances, that we shall, during our present situation, use our utmost endeavours to be in preparation from time to time to answer our proportion of such part of the interest or principal of the foreign and domestic debt, as the United States shall judge expedient to pay and discharge.
We feel ourselves attached, by the strongest ties of friendship, of kindred, and of interest, to our sister States; and we cannot, without the greatest reluctance, look to any other quarter for those advantages of commercial intercourse, which we conceive to be more natural and reciprocal between them and us.
I am, at the request and in behalf of the General Assembly, your most obedient humble servant,
John Collins
Jared Sparks (ed.), Writings of George Washington, vol. 10, (Boston: Russell, Shattuck and Williams and Hillard, Gray and Co., 1836), vol. 10, pg. 487-489.
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